Territoriality and State-Sami Relations 1
University of Northern British Columbia
The Sami are the indigenous people of Fennoscandia. The practice of
reindeer herding is central to the Sami way of life, often regarded as the
defining feature of Sami culture. The Sami exhibit a very different form
of territorial organization (flexible and overlapping) than the modern or
'Western' systems of the European states (fixed and exclusive) which
colonized them. Contradictions between these two conceptions of
territoriality have been a defining feature of state-Sami relations in the
1.Nordic states viewed the Sami as nomadic, and thus having no
ownership of their land.
2.Reindeer herding was viewed as an illegitimate or backwards form
of economic activity, resulting in the privileging of 'modern' forms
of land use at the expense of traditional Sami activities.
3.Where states did feel an impulse to 'protect' the Sami way of life,
they viewed nomadic pastoralism as economically inviable,
prompting systems of administration which increased state
regulation of herding.
These conflicts lie at the root of the issues which the Sami are struggling
with today: rights to land and resources, self-government, and autonomy
over reindeer herding management. Recognizing the importance of
different conceptions of territoriality is necessary for a just settlement of
The Sami are the indigenous people of northern Fennoscandia and the Kola Peninsula. Although their origin is uncertain, there is little dispute that the Sami were the occupants, since time immemorial, of the northernmost region of Fennoscandia when 'neighbouring' states colonized the area.2 The practice of reindeer herding is central to the Sami way of life, often regarded as the defining feature of Sami culture. Although the Sami have not always been herders, their connection to reindeer extends for at least one thousand years.3 The development of herding over the past four hundred years resulted in a very different form of territorial organization than found in the nation-states of Europe. 'Western' or 'modern' views of territory are characterized by fixed, exclusive, geographically bounded space. Exact borders are defined which show where one territory ends and another begins.4 The Sami are a pastoral nomadic people, and these absolute notions of territory are not suitable for a lifestyle based on reindeer husbandry, which requires collective herding, seasonal migration, and flexible and adaptive land uses.
Contradictions between these two conceptions of territoriality have been a fundamental feature of state-Sami relations, especially with regard to the practice of reindeer herding. An analysis of the national policies towards the Sami will show that the inability of governments to conceive of broader notions of territory has had detrimental effects on herding and Sami culture as a whole. These conceptual differences of territoriality have manifested themselves in three main ways:
1. The Nordic states viewed the Sami as nomadic, and thus having no ownership of their land. This rationale was used to justify the extension of state sovereignty over the Sami and their homeland, irrespective of the notions of territory and nationhood held by the Sami themselves. The continued denial of Sami land rights is based on this interpretation of territoriality.
2. Reindeer herding was viewed as an illegitimate or backwards form of economic activity. The states privileged the interests of 'modern' forms of land use, such as agriculture, at the expense of traditional Sami activities.
3. Where states did feel an impulse to 'protect' the Sami way of life, they viewed nomadic pastoralism as economically inviable. This prompted systems of administration which increased state regulation of herding without regard for the fact that the Sami themselves had effectively managed communal herding and land use for hundreds of years.
These three sources of conflict correspond to discernible periods in the history of state-Sami relations. The processes by which medieval kingdoms of Sweden, Russia, and Norway-Denmark expanded their sovereignty over Sami territory and became modern territorial states will be studied first. The next phase was characterized by increasing state administration of the Sami, based on policies of assimilation and paternalism, which lasted from the mid-19th century until the 1960s. Lastly, as the states have become more sensitive to Sami rights issues since the 1970s policies were undertaken to make herding a 'modern industry' which amounted to little more than a new form of paternalism. For the latter two periods an analysis of domestic and international reindeer herding legislation will reveal the territorial biases of the national governments. Before analyzing state-Sami relations in these periods some background on how Sami territoriality differs from 'modern' territoriality is necessary.
"Tell them we don't just wander," is a quote from a Sami herder to ethnographer Robert Paine, and beautifully captures the frustration of the Sami with the myths of their nomadic lifestyle held by outsiders.5 Common perceptions of the Sami are that they randomly follow reindeer herds wherever they care to tread. The implication of this view is that the Sami do not have any sense of possession or belonging to the territory on which they herd. This is incorrect. In fact, the Sami have a well developed and complex sense of territoriality. Nomadic peoples, especially pastoral nomadic peoples such as the Sami, most certainly have a sense of territory. Nomadic pastoralism is a rare combination of seasonal migration and collective herding of animals.6 The "logic of territoriality" of nomadic pastoralism is different than that of agriculture, or other land uses defined by distinct, bounded, and exclusive spaces.7
What then, is the Sami conception of territoriality, and how has it conflicted and changed with the encroachment of states which expressed their own ideas of territoriality? This is a difficult question, principally because one cannot separate a 'pre-contact' period in which the Sami practiced an untainted form of reindeer husbandry and spatial organization before the Nordic states exerted their influence. In fact, reindeer herding among the Sami developed simultaneously with the centralized states over the past three to four hundred years. One thousand years ago the Sami's primary economic activity was the hunting of wild reindeer.8 Another complication is that there has never been a single Sami model of land use. Trond Thuen indicates, "the geographic areas covered by herding units, the pattern of movements and resource adaptations vary from one district to another."9
Given these limitations, what generally can we learn about the territorial organization of the Sami? The main unit of Sami social organization was, and remains in some form, the siida, or Lapp Village. The siida had a "recognized territorial base" and a discernible, but flexible, membership.10 Even before the transition to reindeer pastoralism, all forms of economic activity were organized at the siida level, including hunting, fishing, berry picking, and even whaling.11
With regards to reindeer husbandry, it important to note that Sami herders do not simply 'follow' the reindeer, but are engaged in a mutual relationship with the animals. Pastures must change seasonally to take advantage of different vegetation. The seasonal migration patterns of herds and herders that have developed are based on the animals' own natural cycles. As the herds were domesticated these pattern slowly changed in response to the needs of the Sami. While adaptive changes are sometimes necessary it is not easy for herders to change the schedule that the herds have learned.12 Recently, herding practices have required less continuous movement of herders with the reindeer. The herds are largely left alone much of the time, and brought together for slaughter or redistribution.13
Beyond the local level, the Sami also possessed a greater collective identity. The Sami sense of their own 'nationhood' is best exemplified in the term 'Sapmi'. The term has the multiple meanings of "the Samiland (geographical area), a single Sami person, the Sami people and the Sami language."14 The Sami people and their land became the object of expansion by the kingdoms of Sweden, Russia, and Denmark-Norway in order to prevent the others from gaining to much control in the region. 15 The eventual, and inevitable, result of this expansion was the dissection of the Sami homeland between the three kingdoms.
The neighbouring states brought their own conceptions of territory with them as they expanded their authority northwards into the Sami homeland. Two new types of boundaries began to develop where such strict definitions had not existed before: national borders and taxation districts. The Sami homeland was divided by border treaties, eroding the Sami collective identity. Changes to the territorial organization of the siida slowly shifted the Sami towards modern forms of territoriality, with fences separating herding districts. Both of these new types of territorial organization served only the interests of the nation states, and of course complicated the traditional herding patterns of the Sami.
Pre-National Territorialization of the Sami
Even before the Sami were brought under the full sovereignty of the nascent states of Denmark-Norway, Sweden, and Russia they began to feel the effects of territorial imposition. The Sami homeland was the primary arena for territorial rivalry among the states. The Sami became victims of competition between the kingdoms, as each sought to exert its control over the Sami as a check on foreign expansion.16 The strategy pursued by the states in this period itself exhibits a philosophy of territoriality prevalent in modern geopolitical thought, that land equals power. This period of competition lasted until mutual borders were agreed upon. During this time, the primary mechanism of state control was taxation.
One of the earliest examples of Sami taxation was a decree by the King of Sweden in 1277 granting traders, known as bikarls, to tax the Sami with whom they traded.17 As the emerging states began to take direct control over these taxation regimes conflicts developed, especially in northern Sweden where claims overlapped. In some cases, such as the region around Inari, the Sami were taxed by all three kingdoms.18 The transition from loosely defined taxation schemes to territorial control is provided in the example of the Swedish taxland system.
The Swedish tax law of 1605 recognized traditional forms of Sami economic activity, such as reindeer herding, as the legal form of land use north of the Lapland Boundary, while agriculture was reserved for the south.19 This differentiation is somewhat laudable, as it appears to grant legitimacy to Sami land use and territoriality. However, the system established fixed and exclusive definitions of territory (taxlands) which did not coincide with the Sami's own siida organization and territory, although they were loosely based on existing herding areas. The collective basis of herding was also changed, as use of taxland was "delegated to an individual in return for rent or tax paid to the Crown."20 The taxland system was reformed in 1695 and taxation was established at the village level. This reform served to fix the membership and territory of Sami villages which are reflected today in reindeer herding collectives known as Samebys.21
The delineation of territory for specific groups of Sami served the interests of the nation-states by 'nationalizing' the Sami and their land. Rather than forming a cohesive ethnic group, land taxation regimes divided the Sami into Russian, Swedish, or Danish subjects. This development of nationalization occurred simultaneously with the settlement of fixed national borders.
The long-standing denial of Sami rights to land has been based on the notion that Sweden and Denmark-Norway established sovereignty over 'ownerless lands.'22 This interpretation has many implications. Essentially this view denies Sami nationhood, and their existence as a cohesive entity in Fennoscandia pre-dating state sovereignty. More significantly to this discussion, the claim that the Sami lands were 'ownerless' illustrates both a lack of understanding of Sami connection to their land, and a lack of recognition of territorial systems which are not based on exclusive individual ownership of fixed space.
The Treaty of Teusina in 1595 established the border between Russia and Sweden-Finland. Russia's Kola Sami were effectively severed from their Scandinavian brethren and Russia ceased to play a significant role in greater Sami affairs until it gained control of Finland in 1808.23 With the Stromstad Treaty of 1751 the Norwegian-Swedish border was defined. An addendum to the Stromstad Treaty, the Lapp Codicil, is perhaps the most significant document concerning Sami territorial rights. The Lapp Codicil is often referred to as the Sami Magna Carta.24
The Lapp Codicil's importance stems from the fact that it recognized, in a legal international treaty, the right of the Sami to freely cross the border as part of their seasonal migration of reindeer herding. The text of the Codicil states:
The Sami need the land of both states. Therefore, they shall, in accordance with tradition, be permitted both in autumn and spring to move their reindeer herds across the border into the other state. And hereafter, as before, they shall, like the state's own subject's, be allowed to use land and share for themselves and their animals, except in the places stated below, and they shall be met with friendliness, protected and aided...25
The Codicil forced pastoral Sami to choose citizenship in either Sweden or Denmark-Norway, and established the states' right to regulate trans-border reindeer husbandry.26 Yet, as a whole, the document must be taken as remarkably respectful of Sami interests. It shows a level of commitment to the survival of the Sami and their way of life that is lacking from later state policies towards Sami reindeer herding.
Expansion of State Sovereignty: Assimilation and Paternalism
The culture of science and reason had strong influence on state policies in the nineteenth century. As Roger Kvist illustrates, this included racial ideas, as "races and ethnic groups were ranked and their cultural state seen as an expression of inherited traits."27 These racial views extended to negatives stereotypes of Sami culture as 'backwards.' Specifically, nomadic reindeer herding was viewed as representing an inferior level of economic development to agriculture and industry.28 Beginning with the assumption that the traditional (read inferior) Sami culture and economy cannot survive of its own accord two administrative policies are possible: assimilation or paternalism. The first strategy seeks to encourage the transition of the Sami from pastoral nomadism to 'modern' economic pursuits. Paternalism seeks to preserve Sami culture by bringing them under the protection of (often misguided) state administration. In general, the Norwegian government took the first route, and Sweden the second, towards the implementation of legislation governing Sami reindeer herding. Finland does not easily fit into either of these two models as reindeer herding was protected, but not as a Sami right.
Of the three Scandinavian countries examined in this study, Norway is believed to have exercised the most assimilationist policy towards its Sami population. Whereas Sweden-Finland made a legal distinction between land uses based on herding and those of agriculture, originating with the establishment of taxlands as discussed earlier, Norway acknowledged no such difference.29 Norway's attitude toward the Sami is evidenced in a 1902 law which granted land ownership only to Norwegian speakers.30 The effects of Norwegian legislators' negative attitudes towards the Sami way of life are seen in the various statutes designed to regulate the practice.
The Reindeer Herding Acts (RHA) of 1854 and 1933 were not designed to protect reindeer herding and the Sami way of life, but to ensure that herding did not interfere in the development of other 'culturally and economically superior' land uses such as farming and forestry. Herding was viewed as an 'historic anachronism' and "would be tolerated only so long as it did not hinder the development of agriculture."31
The paternalistic character of the Swedish administration of its Sami population must be qualified. Swedish law makers took a narrow interpretation of Sami ethnicity based almost exclusively on economic activity. Those that participated in a 'traditional Sami' livelihood (primarily reindeer herding) were classified as Sami. Likewise, Sami that pursued agriculture were considered Swedes or Finns.32 Paternalism thus only applied to reindeer herders, while Sami who chose other activities were legally and culturally assimilated.
The Reindeer Herding Act of 1886 embodied this philosophy as it granted hunting and fishing rights on designated lands only to herding Sami.33 These activities were considered as supplemental to the primary Sami activity of reindeer herding. Non-herders who previously had once enjoyed land use for subsistence purposes were now prevented from doing so. The long term effect of these instruments has been to cause factionalism among the Sami between herders and non-herders. The 1886 and 1898 RHAs also specified that the Sami's right to the land was usufruct (right of use), not ownership.34
Worse was to come in the 1928 RHA which created a Lapp sheriff administration to regulate Sami reindeer herding.35 This marked a new era in state-Sami relations in Sweden. The motivation for herding legislation in this period was not the protection of herding, but of the new agricultural settlements that were developing in the north. A policy of segregation was thought to be the best approach to minimize herder-settler conflicts.36 Government defined herding districts known as Lappbys, later Samebys, replaced taxlands, which had in turn replaced the siida as the primary means of social and territorial organization for Swedish Sami. The new organizations' purpose was to provide a legally responsible entity for paying compensation to farmers whose property was damaged by reindeer herds.37
As mentioned above, Finland is a special case. This is because, unlike Norway and Sweden, reindeer herding is not legally reserved as a Sami right. One of the first significant changes to reindeer herding in Finland was the transformation of the traditional siida system into government defined reindeer districts. This occurred under Russian rule in 1898.38 To have grazing rights herders were required to be registered in one of these districts. This arrangement also gave the state the right to limit the number of reindeer in each district.39 Just as was the case in Norway and Sweden the objective of this administrative restructuring of Sami territory was to provide a system of compensation for damage done by reindeer.
This system had an unintended effect, in that reindeer herding did not require any great expenditure of effort as the herds could safely wander throughout the district for much of the year without attention. This encouraged many non-Sami farmers to adopt reindeer herding either as a secondary or primary economic activity. With the 1948 Reindeer Husbandry Act every Finnish citizen was granted the right to breed reindeer in a reindeer district.40 With this the Sami lost what rights to the land they had occupied under the siida system. While reindeer herding in Finland is a healthy industry thanks to government support, the Sami are now a minority among herders, and must seek legal means to exercise their claim to their land.
Since the establishment of transboundary herding rights under the Lapp Codicil, subsequent bilateral treaties and conventions between Norway and Sweden have gradually limited those rights. Four major changes in Sami transboundary rights have taken place with the Joint Legislation of 1883, The Karlstad Convention of 1905 (which dissolved the union between Norway and Sweden), The Reindeer Convention of 1919, and finally the current Reindeer Grazing Convention of 1972.41 It is not necessary in the current context to describe the individual details of these treaties, only that each placed new restrictions on available pasture lands and increased the role of national governments over the practice of herding.
During Finland's period of Russia rule in the 19th century its borders with Norway and Sweden were closed to reindeer herding which had been permitted under the Lapp Codicil of 1751. In 1952 and 1983 agreements were established between Finland and Norway to regulate reindeer herding, but these have focussed on the creation of fences and other measures to prevent reindeer crossing the border.42
Modernization of Reindeer Herding
Since the 1970s national policies towards the Sami have made significant progress towards recognizing the legitimacy of Sami rights, including the importance of reindeer herding as a 'material prerequisite' of Sami culture.43 Much of this change has been the result of challenges from a growing Sami rights movement, and greater awareness of aboriginal rights worldwide. Nevertheless, the states continue to see themselves as the protectors of Sami culture as if they knew best. This change in attitude has resulted in new herding acts being passed in all three countries, the Norwegian Reindeer Husbandry Act of 1978, the Swedish Reindeer Herding Act of 1971, and the Finnish Reindeer Breeding Act of 1990 (delayed since a parliamentary committee report in 1973).44
Although reindeer herding is conducted collectively, ownership of reindeer is individual. Common ownership of land and individual ownership of animals defines a pastoral system, and is the basis of the theory of 'the tragedy of the commons.'45 Recent state regulation of reindeer herding seems to be based on the belief that individual herders will overgraze common pastures for their own benefit, to the detriment of the group. This ignores the reality that the Sami have developed their own adaptive strategies for herd management that have worked effectively for hundreds of years without catastrophic overgrazing. These methods include the seasonal regrouping (dividing and combining) of herds within the siida to avoid exceeding the carrying capacity of a particular pasture.46 Thus, the herding organization must be flexible in both its composition and use of territory. Lack of appreciation for the Sami's own resource management has resulted in ill-conceived state regulations in the name of scientific rationalization of the reindeer 'industry.'47
The current reindeer herding laws in all three countries predominantly focus on scientific management techniques such as regulating grazing areas and limiting herd sizes. While the expressed objective of such legislation is ensuring the sustainability of herding, there is little doubt that limiting land use conflicts between herders and other interests is still a primary concern. Innovations to transform reindeer herding into a competitive modern industry are also prevalent in this period. These developments include the establishment in Sweden and Finland of reindeer herding districts as for-profit corporations, and a system in Norway whereby all reindeer meat is purchased by the state at a fixed rate.48 Although these arrangements still reflect a degree of paternalism by the Nordic states, the processes are such that the Sami themselves are able to gain greater control over their own affairs.
This examination has showed the power that modes of thought can have in 'the real world.' Conceptions of territoriality are not just simply an theoretical exercise for academics. Different ideas about how humans organize space has had a profound impact on the Sami people. Contradiction between Sami territoriality and that of the medieval kingdoms meant that the Sami were seen as incidental to the competition for land by the emerging states, rather than as a legitimate nation in their own right. Thus, territoriality determined that the state-Sami relationship would be a colonial one. Territoriality also determined how the Sami could organize themselves socially and economically. Exclusive systems of territory do not mesh well with non-exclusive systems, and so the Sami were forced to conform with an exclusive expression of territory to avoid conflict with settlers from the south. Finally, reindeer herding was deemed to be unworkable without government guardianship because of modern prejudice against common property systems. These effects are not trivial, nor are they entirely matters of historical record. These are the fundamental issues which the Sami are struggling with today: rights to land and resources, self-government, and autonomy over reindeer herding management. Reversing negative stereotypes towards Sami views of territoriality will be essential for a just settlement of these matters.
Åhren, Ingwar. "Political Development in Sápmi." Majority-Minority Relations: The Case of the Sami in Scandinavia. Guovdageaidnu, Norway: The World Commission on Culture and Development, 1994, pp. 35-38.
Aikio, Pekka. "Cultural Sovereignty of Northern Aboriginal Nations: The Predicament of the Sami cultural sovereignty." Social Sciences in the North. eds. Louis-Jacques Dorais and Ludger Muller-Wille. Ste-Foy, Canada: International Arctic Social Sciences Association, 1993, pp. 15-21.
Aikio, Pekka. "Development of the Political Status of the Sámi People in Finland." Majority-Minority Relations: The Case of the Sami in Scandinavia. Guovdageaidnu, Norway: The World Commission on Culture and Development, 1994, pp. 39-43.
Beach, Hugh, Myrdene Anderson and Pekka Aikio. "Dynamics of Saami Territoriality within the Nation-States of Norway, Sweden and Finland." Mobility and Territoriality: Social and Spatial Boundaries among Foragers, Fishers, Pastoralists and Peripatetics. Eds. Michael J. Casimir and Aparna Rao. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1992, pp. 55-90.
Björklund, Ivar. "Sami Reindeer Pastoralism as an Indigenous Resource." Development and Change v.21, n.1 (1990), pp. 75-86.
Cranér, Tomas. "Saami Legal Rights Cleansing in Scandinavia." Indigenous Affairs 1994(3), pp. 52-55.
Helander, Elina. "The Sami People: Demographics, Origin, Economy, Culture." Majority-Minority Relations: The Case of the Sami in Scandinavia. Guovdageaidnu, Norway: World Commission on Culture and Development, 1994, pp. 23-34.
Kvist, Roger. "Swedish Sami Policy 1548-1992." The Changing Circumpolar North: Opportunities for Academic Development. ed. Lassi Heininen. Rovaniemi: Arctic Center Publications 6, 1994, pp. 28-44.
Maaga, Ole Henrik. "Sami Past and Present and the Sami Picture of the World." The Changing Circumpolar North: Opportunities for Academic Development. ed. Lassi Heininen. Rovaniemi: Arctic Center Publications 6, 1994, pp. 13-20.
Magga, Ole Henrik. "The Policy Towards the Sami People in Norway." Majority-Minority Relations: The Case of the Sami in Scandinavia. Guovdageaidnu, Norway: The World Commission on Culture and Development, 1994, 44-49
Paine, Robert. Herds of the Tundra. Washington: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1994.
Ruggie, John Gerrard. "Territoriality and Beyond: Problematizing Modernity in International Relations." International Organization 47(1) (1993), pp. 139-174.
Sillanpää, Lennard. Impact of International Law on Indigenous Rights in Northern Europe. Ottawa: Indian and Northern Affairs Canada, 1992.
Sillanpää, Lennard. The Development of Sami Assemblies in Fennoscandia: Towards Aboriginal Self-Government. Ottawa: Indian and Northern Affairs Canada, 1992.
Sillanpää, Lennard. Political and Administrative Responses to Sami Self-Determination. Helsinki: Finnish Society of Sciences and Letters, 1994.
Skotvedt, Tove. "Sami: The Indigenous Peoples of Norway." Continuity and Change: Aspects of Contemporary Norway. Ed. Anne Cohen Kiel. Oslo: Scandinavian University Press, 1993, pp. 163-174.
Smith, Eivind. "Constitutional Protection of Minorities: The Rights and Protection of the Sami Population in Norway." Scandinavian Studies in Law v.34 (1990), pp. 235-259.
Stordahl, Vigdis. "Identity and Saminess Expressing World View and Nation." Majority-Minority Relations: The Case of the Sami in Scandinavia. Guovdageaidnu, Norway: The World Commission on Culture and Development, 1994, 44-49
Svensson, Tom G. "Sami Ethnicity and Polity: Conflict and Compromise Regarding Development in the North." Nomadic Peoples n.28 (1991), pp. 123-137.
Thuen, Trond. Quest for Equity: Norway and the Saami Challenge. St. John's. Nfld.: Institute of Social and Economic Research, Memorial University of Newfoundland, 1995.
1 Numerous spellings of 'Sami' are common including 'Sámi' and 'Saami,' depending on the nationality of the author. For simplicity I have chosen to use 'Sami.'
2 Elina Helander, "The Sami People: Demographics, Origin, Economy, Culture," in Majority-Minority Relations: The Case of the Sami in Scandinavia (Guovdageaidnu, Norway: World Commission on Culture and Development, 1994), p. 26.
3 Robert Paine, Herds of the Tundra, (Washington: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1994), p. 11.
4 John Gerrard Ruggie, "Territoriality and Beyond: Problematizing Modernity in International Relations," in International Organization 47(1) (1993), pp. 148-152.
5 Paine, p. 11.
6 Paine, p. 15.
7 Paine, pp. 15-16.
8 Helander, p. 26; Paine, p. 13.
9 Trond Thuen, Quest for Equity: Norway and the Saami Challenge (St. John's, Nfld.: Institute of Social and Economic Research, Memorial University of Newfoundland, 1995), p. 35.
10 Lennard Sillanpää, Political and Administrative Responses to Sami Self-Determination (Helsinki: Finnish Society of Sciences and Letters, 1994), p. 38.
12 Paine, p. 14.
13 Paine, p. 15.
14 Helander, p.23.
15 Finland was part of Sweden until 1808 when it was ceded to Russia as a semi-autonomous region, and then became independent in 1917. Norway was part of the Danish kingdom until it was ceded to Sweden in 1814 as a semi-autonomous region, becoming fully independent in 1905 (Lennard Sillanpää, Impact of International Law on Indigenous Rights in Northern Europe (Ottawa: Indian and Northern Affairs Canada, 1992), p. 3).
16 Sillanpää, 1994, p. 38.
19 Pekka Aikio, "Cultural Sovereignty in Northern Aboriginal Nations: The Predicament of the Sami," in Social Sciences in the North, eds. Louis-Jacques Dorais and Ludger Müller-Wille (Ste-Foy, Canada: International Arctic Social Sciences Association), p. 16.
20 Hugh Beach, Myrdene Anderson and Pekka Aikio, "Dynamics of Saami Territoriality within the Nation-States of Norway, Sweden, and Finland," in Mobility and Territoriality: Social and Spatial Boundaries among Foragers, Fishers, Pastoralists and Peripatetics, eds. Michael J. Casimir and Aparna Rao (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1992), p. 67.
21 Beach, et al, pp. 68-70.
22 Sillanpää (1994), p. 41.
23Sillanpää (1994), p. 38.
24Sillanpää (1994), p. 47.
25 Sillanpää, 1992, p. 6.
27 Roger Kvist, "Swedish Sami Policy 1548-1992," in The Changing Circumpolar North: Opportunities for Academic Development, ed. Laasi Heininen (Rovaniemi: Arctic Centre Publications 6, 1994), p. 34.
28 Kvist, pp. 34-35.
29 Sillanpää (1994), p. 45.
30 Tove Skotvedt, "Sami: The Indigenous Peoples of Norway," in Continuity and Change: Aspects of Contemporary Norway ed. Anne Cohen Kiel (Oslo: Scandinavian University Press, 1993), p. 167.
31 Sillanpää (1994), p. 70.
32 Kvist, p. 35.
33 Kvist, p. 36.
34 Kvist, p. 36.
35 Beach, et al., p. 68.
36 Kvist, p. 36.
37 Beach, et al, p. 70.
38 Sillanpää (1994), p. 73.
39 Aikio, p. 17.
40 Sillanpää (1994), p. 74.
41 Sillanpää (1992), pp. 10-13.
42 Sillanpää (1992), p. 15.
43 Sillanpää (1992), p. 22.
44 Sillanpää (1994), pp. 65-75.
45 Ivar Björklund, "Sámi Reindeer Pastoralism as an Indigenous Resource Management System in Northern Norway: A Contribution to the Common Property Debate," in Development and Change 21 (1990), p. 75.
46 Björklund, p. 82.
47Beach, et al, p 71.
48 Sillanpää (1994), pp. 65-75.
Copyright © 1997 Scott Forrest All Rights Reserved